Censor or Arbiter? Censorship in South Africa

Censorship in South Africa has been an integral part of South African history especially during the apartheid era.  JM Coetzee notes in his book; the work of the censor, censorship in South Africa that censorship can arise out of paranoia (198).

The reason one can say censorship was such as a contributing factor during apartheid was the fear of what would happen if the apartheid regime would no longer be, the paranoia. We could see evidence of this paranoia by the banning of objects that carried ANC symbols, such t-shirts or the banning of literature, films posters etc, anything that seemed to object the apartheid regime(Tisdel).

But censorship in South Africa was only made possible under the publication act 1975 which the led to the creation of the Publications Appeal Board, a so called watchdog whose responsibility was to act as “an objective and independent arbiter whose duty is to strike a balance between the opposing interest”( 186).  It is Funny to think of a censor as an arbiter, but that was exactly what was at the heart of the publication appeal board chairman, JCW Van Rooyen. Van Rooyen saw the Publication appeal board as group technocrats whose main job was to “weigh all relevant interests against each other” (186). He believed that being able to balance and arbitrate between two opposing parties was the best form of control (186).

The publications appeal board had the Authority to declare certain publication undesirable if they were deemed indecent to public morals, offensive to religious convictions or harmful to state peace and security etc (185). This ultimately led to crackdown on art as Music as literature was among the modes of anti-apartheid resistance.

The relation between the censor and the writer Is one that I find complex,  as Van Rooyen the censor is also a writer who also acts as an arbiter. This complexity is one that highlights the complex ways by which anti apartheid fighters had to express themselves in different ways whether it be through music or a painting, but it is also highlights the complex ways by which the Publications Appeals Board cracked down and censored material in South Africa.

Coetzee, J.M.. “The Work of the Censor: Censorship in South Africa.” Giving Offense: Essays on Censorship. Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996, 185-203.

http://www.indexoncensorship.org/2013/08/south-africa-a-bric-confronting-choices-about-free-expression/

Tisdel, Michelle. "South Africa." South Africa. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Feb. 2015.

Van Der Westhuizen, Christy. "South Africa: Confronting Choices about Free Expression - Index on Censorship | Index on Censorship." South Africa: Confronting Choices about Free Expression - Index on Censorship | Index on Censorship. N.p., 7 Aug. 2013. Web. 23 Feb. 2015.

Image:  CENSORSHIP FOR CHRISTMAS

http://swedishsurveyor.com/2014/12/05/swedish-christmas-present-censorship-law/

Censorship and Transition: What’s Going on in Central Asia?

Sometimes censorship works on its own: in Western media sources you actually have to search with care for any coverage on Central Asian countries, making it one of the least represented regions of the world in international mainstream media sources. These are young societies in a troublesome transition – censorship being one of the main issues. This blog serves to help gain insight in Central Asian societies, by looking at the phenomenon of censorship.
            Firstly, Reporters Without Borders’ Freedom Index suggests that press freedom generally is rated badly: out of 179 countries, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan as of 2014 occupy the 178^th, 166^th and 161^st position, respectively. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan show better progress, with 115^th and 97^th position each. The classical scapegoat in these countries is to blame: plenty of journalists have told researchers that government officials use coercion as to prevent negative media coverage on politics and politicians (Kenny and Gross 521).
            Yet censorship itself is not just a one-way process of restriction; rather it is part of creating communication, too. In a way, it is a mutual process between censor and society – in the case of Central Asia, it is everyday economics and culture that plays a role too, and censorships reflects this. Firstly, there are few sponsors of mass media, and as a result journalists have too much financial insecurity to risk getting a fine – making it easy for politically powerful agents to ensure a lack of challenge from journalists. But more importantly is the cultural process of transition apparent in the former Central Asian SSRs. Soviet media was always regarded as unworthy of trust, and repression continues the tradition. People disregard media in everyday, as it publishes mostly about non-political topics and promotes business (Kenny and Gross 517). Save for Kyrgyzstan, self-censorship is the most important agent in Central Asia’s problematic transition towards democracy, because of the before mentioned reasons.
            Taking a look at censorship in a somewhat more obscure region is a good way to gain insights about the respective societies. The Soviet transition left a painful legacy for journalism, whilst authoritarian regimes see little incentive in encouraging independent journalism. The harder part of the story however, is to trace and understand specific cultural factors sustaining repressive censorship; as such this requires more research.

Müller, Beate. „Censorship and Cultural Regulation: Mapping the Territory.“  Critical Studies. Censorship and Cultural Regulation in the Modern Age. Ed. By Beate Müller. Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi, 2004, 1-31.

Kenny, Timothy, and Peter Gross. "Journalism in Central Asia: A victim of politics, economics, and widespread self-censorship." The International Journal of Press/Politics 13.4 (2008): 515-525.

Rsf.org, (2015). Reporters Without Borders. [online] Available at: http://rsf.org/index2014/en-eastern-europe.php [Accessed 22 Feb. 2015].

Analysis of Nadine Gordimer’s ‘Living in the Interregnum'

Name: Thikuna Canna binti Mohd Suffian
Student number: 1398768
Course: Censorship and social transformation
Tutor: Ksenia Robbe
Word count: 341Critical analysis of Nadine Gordimer’s ‘Living in the Interregnum'

The interregnum from a white perspective

By the 1980s South Africa had started to find itself in a state of revolution. The internal resistance against South African apartheid took on many different forms. One of these forms of resistance was the cultural opposition that came from writers, both from within and outside South Africa.  Nadine Gordimer is one such writer. In her essay ‘living in the interregnum’ she describes her  visions and experiences on being a white, female writer in the midst of the South African revolution. This essay is a good reflection of the content of her other works, as it clearly shows an interplay between her being an accurate observer of changes in attitudes of South African society, while at the same time she is not afraid of writing from her very own perspective. This perspective is massively influenced not only by society, but also her role and position in this revolution. Although Gordimer is very much aware of the fact that she belongs to a segment that is a minority within a minority (272), one cannot escape from the colour of one’s skin and the gender you were born with, and therefore her visions will always be biased. Although Gordimer would not like to be seen or introduced as a white South African novelist, this is exactly what she is.

The relationship that Gordimer has with South African society is an ambiguous one, as it is hard to have a meaningful relationship with a society that is in transition, and thus in some sense doesn’t even exist yet. This makes the credibility and feasibility of her arguments inconclusive, as the responsibility that she carries as a writer can be questionable.  I must say, however, that I do admire her strength and courage as she is one of the very few white female writers that isn’t scared to speak about life in the interregnum. Although I enjoyed reading it, I found her visions sometimes too far-fetched inasmuch that she sometimes seemed to speak for the black community, whereas she really speaks from a ‘white discourse’. 

Gordimer, Nadine. “Living in the Interregnum.” The Essential Gesture: Writing, Politics, and Places. 272-284. 1988. London: Jonathan Cape. PDF

Political Rock Music in the Soviet Union

Yurchak argues in Suspending the Political: Late Soviet Artistic experiments on the Margins of the State that Soviet youth during the Soviet Union were not particularly interested in politics. They were neither for or against the system and did not bother to engage in it. They’d rather engaged in escapist activities, such as listening to rock music. Ironically enough, the Soviet authorities also engaged in rock music, but not for escapist reasons.

It would seem logical that since Soviet rock music did not engage with politics, that the Soviet politicians would not engage with or censor rock music. It simply had nothing to fear, since rock music was more concerned with the human condition and issues faced throughout history, not only or necessarily in their own context. Furthermore, people of that milieu thought of themselves as being inherently different from ordinary Soviet people. This could be because rock music was an import from the West, and therefore they unknowingly identified themselves with those ideas. However, these could be just the reasons Soviet authorities intervened in rock music and went as far as censoring it.

One of the measures they took was subsidizing the group Happy Guys, which was intended to be a group with positive messages about the Soviet Union and with a presentable appearance (Ramet & Zamascikov). It is possible that through this, the Soviet authorities tried to engage the a-political youth in the Soviet Union and make them more aware of the benefits of their society. In this way, the youth should not feel the need to escape and listen to Western ideas. This promotion of political bands above ‘real’ rock bands could be seen as censorship, since the Soviet authorities made a political issue which was in the first place not intended to be political.

However, in the end it would not matter how many regulations the authorities took against this genre - they even went so far as to prohibiting it – rock music still enjoyed enormous popularity.

 Sources:

Ramet, Pedro, and Sergei Zamascikov. "The Soviet rock scene." The Journal of Popular Culture 24.1 (1990): 149-174. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1990.00149.x/abstract

Yurchak, Alexei. "Suspending the Political: Late Soviet Artistic Experiments on the Margins of the State." Poetics Today 29.4 (2008): 713-733.

Censorship during Apartheid and the "Protection of Others"

The era of Apartheid in South Africa was one in which many people suffered under the strict rule of its government. The Apartheid’s system of segregation ensured that no racial groups other than whites were able to enjoy optimal economic and political rights. While the system of segregation still was in full effect during the 1980’s, lecturers of the University of Cape Town started the Community Arts Program (CAP). The project offered accommodation, facilities and training to aspiring artists that had been marginalized and served as a sanctuary for those that wanted to express their resistance against the Apartheid regime through art.

Eventually, CAP became victim of several police raids in which banners, pamphlets, photographs, diaries and personal letters were removed as they, supposedly, posed threat to national security (Lochner p6).

The Publications Appeal Board (PAB) was responsible for these police raids since it served as a censor and had to judge whether publications were allowed or not. When Van Rooyen took his position as PAB chairman in 1980, he claimed that the board consisted of neutral arbiters that made decisions only in favor of society as a whole and for the protection of others.

Unlike his predecessor, Van Rooyen took a technocratic approach to censorship rather than that of a “Christian Nationalist ideologue or unbudging defender of the status quo” (Coetzee p185). For Van Rooyen, “sound objective reasons” were required and judgment should advance the average member of society (Coetzee p194).

In itself, this reasoning of Van Rooyen does sound a lot better than how it was put into practice. The definition of a ‘sound objective reason’ was up to the PAB and thus could be easily subject to manipulation by simply labeling publications as a threat to state security or general welfare. 

The many raids that the CAP had to endure serve as proof of the unfair operation of the PAB. Lastly, it is clear that the Publication Appeal Board did not act on behalf of the society as a whole, but particularly to maintain the Apartheid regime and protection of the white population; an updated version of the ‘unbudging defender of the status quo’.

Coetzee, J.M.. “The Work of the Censor: Censorship in South Africa.” Giving Offense: Essays on Censorship. Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996, 185-203.

Lochner, Eben. The Democratisation of Art: CAP as an Alternative Art Space in South Africa. Diss. Rhodes University, 2012.

to revolt or not to revolt to assert one's freedom

In the late 70’s Soviet Regimen the Mit’ki movement emerged. Conformed by an alien and alienated bunch of freaks, the group’s creative goal was not to consciously threaten the government, but to dismantle their linkage with any sort of power struggle Soviet society might undergo. A. Yurchack argues that, in contrast to traditional critical intellectuals, the position of a-politization the Mit’ki movement adopted was not only political, but it was also a very powerful weapon against the regimen (723). If that is the case can we state the choice of consciously not acting is the most significant act of rebellion an individual might adopt?

Traditionally, critical intellectuals embark on a creative process that departs from the existing structures, and seeks to deconstruct the fallacies of such regimen. By resisting the regimen from inside, opposition and elite develop a symbiotic relation where the existence of one group renders the existence of the other possible. On the one hand, by actively resisting state forces, one contributes to the construction of the identity of such regimen by reinforcing the ideals one seeks to contest. On the other hand, one’s identity is constructed through the opposition to the existent structures. The projection of an outside reality surpassing the constraints of the regimen is just partially achieved, since the cultural objects produced, lay on the foundations of the already existing structures.

In contrast, by taking a non-existing position within the regimen, the Mit’ki movement succeeded in projecting and performing an alien reality. Such distance towards the regimen challenge the Soviet foundations. By placing both their cultural products and themselves in a non-engaged position, they succeeded in producing a new subjectivity outside the existing discourse. Censors could not object cultural products that do not convey any sort of inflammatory claim. Yet, such a-political position threatens the foundations of Soviet Reality, as it underlies the naïve but conscious choice to remain outside state control. The Mit’ki youngsters were able to surpass the private-public Soviet control by the very simple act of not- rebelling, and actively doing nothing for or against Soviet reality.

In lieu of becoming involved in a struggle of hegemonic forces, the Mit’kis asserted their personal freedom by alienating themselves from the existing structures. By consciously becoming outsiders, they retain the freedom a totalitarian regimen sought to obliterate.

Yurchak, Alexey. “Suspending the Political: Late Soviet Artistic Experiments on the Margins of the State.” Poetics Today 29: 4 (Winter 2008), 713-733.

Which one will win in this constant battle? The censor or the censored?

In the Censorship and Social Transformation course the focus is mainly on the past and present. We know the past of censorship, more and more information on this is being brought into day light. We are currently living and observing the present state of censorship. What about the future though?

When we look at the past it appears that it was easier to practice censorship and apart from self-censorship there were two types: pre-publication censorship and licensing. The old understanding of the censorship concept was very narrow.

However as Butler described: “Censorship is a productive form of power: it is not merely privative, but formative as well.” (252) The invention of the printing press changed the concept of censorship and created a new dimension, now there was more material to control and censor.

With time, especially with the developments in communication and technology, and increased globalization, new forms of opposition arose such as: independent journalism, blogging, Facebook and Twitter. With all these changes came a new understanding of censorship, a view that was broader than the old approach. It believed that censorship was everywhere and it was unavoidable, irrespective of the given socio-political context. (Müller 5)

An example of this can be seen in Cuba where blogging was directly born out of the constraint on public debate in the physical world. The state had control over the internet too so they set up the on a server outside of the island which is called “blind blogging”. In April 2007, Yoani Sánchez started a personal blog called Generation Y which she defined as “an exercise in cowardice” as it lets her say in this space, what is forbidden to her in in her civic action. Through the blog she made it into Time/CNNs 25 Best Blogs in The World list and had the chance to interview U.S. President Barack Obama. It can be said that the state’s tight control served as a political magnifying glass and the censorship backfired.

Therefore the idea is that with all these developments there will be more ways to express ideas but there will also be more ways to censor these ideas. In the end it all comes down to the question: Which one will win in this constant battle? The censor or the censored?

Butler, Judith. "Ruled out: Vocabularies of the censor." Censorship and silencing: practices of cultural regulation (1998): 247-259.

Müller, Beate. "Censorship and cultural regulation: Mapping the territory."Critical Studies 22.1 (2003): 1-31.

"My Profile." Generation Y. N.p., 03 July 2008. Web. 22 Feb. 2015.

Gordimer, on the necessity of silent dissidents to join the vital protest.

Nadine Gordimer refers to the last years of the apartheid as an interregnum where political subtleties were often shut as to not undermine the understood general goal (280). In her essay Living in the Interregnum (1982) she addresses the need for the several voices to not silence their different nuances. As, rather than to weaken the cause, to deepen the debate for a new system.

Gordimer cites in her essay a young black South-African woman : “I break the law because I am alive” (271). Such a strong statement is based on the casual daily racism of the Apartheid regime. Under this regime, black people were, from birth, designated to an inferior standing. If they wanted their human rights back they thus had to daily declaim this situation and claim that their life was worth as much as any other. On the other side, white people did not have to justify their existence on a daily basis, as the system was made to justify their position and rights. As such they had no incentives to raise their voice and shout against the injustice.

Do not take me wrong, part of the South-African white population was already decrying the inherent racism of the regime. However, as Gordimer critics it, most stayed silent dissidents; refusing to put themselves in danger and unaware what the word struggle truthfully meant (270).

Nevertheless, it is necessary for this silent segment of the population to join the scream of the black population for justice. It is needed to answer one of the white population fear of a reversed regime. And thus transit from a discriminatory capitalist regime to a social nondiscriminatory system (265).

However, if she longly address the evolution of the black demands, the necessity of a joined struggle and the issue of the conflicted and contradictory interregnum, Gordimer solely does so. She does not on the contrary propose any solution to create the wanted reaction in the passive dissidents. As a writer, her role may be to exclusively expose the facts and leave to politicians and leaders this reflexion. Yet, as an influential white South-African champion in the fight against the apartheid, to learn from her experience would have been a valuable addition. To listen to how she passed from spectator of this interregnum to participant and major voice.

Gordimer, Nadine. “Living in the Interregnum.” The Essential Gesture: Writing, Politics, and Places. 272-284. 1988. London: Jonathan Cape. PDF

Apolitical: to be uninterested or uninvolved in politics [Necrorealists & Gezi]

Alexei Yurchak claims youth subcultures in the USSR in the 1970s and 1980s were apolitical, some individuals appeared unaware of key soviet figures, and instead they pursued artistic experiments along side working in boiler rooms.  

But, under oppressive regimes how can one be apolitical?

In March 2013, Your Middle East published an article called “Turkey’s apolitical generation”, contrasting the Turkish “youth [is] not interested in politics” with the youth in neighbouring Arab states leading uprisings in 2011. However within months this article was shown to be fallible. With the Gezi park protests in May 2013 and since consistent protests against the government, with young men taking to wear mini skirts in the most recent protests, the articles argument is called into question. Clearly trying to label an entire generation as apolitical is controversial, but what this example emphasises is the impossibility of remaining uninvolved in politics long term. For example Yurchak explains the Necrorealists (an “apolitical” subculture) concern they would have faded out had it not been for the Perestroika reforms of the 1980s, as the governmental “legitimacy” enabled them to televise their work on national television networks in 1989. 

Yurchak distinguishes between the subcultures aim to remain apolitical and the political impacts they had upon society. I would argue further, and claim that it is impossible to present the aim and the result as separate entities. The group sought for “organic freedom”, a freedom beyond politics and social norms, this anarchical like dream is politically based. Similarly the protestors in Gezi began in protest against the urban plan for the park, but the result, which ensued, was political, critiquing political freedoms.

Both the Necrorealists and the Gezi protestors present movements, originate from the political despite an absence of political goals, they are products of the political situation and context. And whether it is through making obscure naked films or occupying a park, these are outlets for them to express deeper discontents, concerning their social and political existence.

Pfannkuch, Katharina. 'Turkey’s Apolitical Generation'. Your Middle East. N.p., 2015. Web. 22 Feb. 2015.

http://www.yourmiddleeast.com/features/turkeys-apolitical-generation_13834

Yurchak, Alexey. “Suspending the Political: Late Soviet Artistic Experiments on the Margins of the State.” Poetics Today 29: 4 (Winter 2008), 713-733.

Freudian Interpretation between Intelligentsia and Censor

The Freudian interpretation discusses the relationship between a father and a son. The

father and the son are in competition with each other over the mother (Dictionary of

Social Sciences). In the end, the son starts to identify himself with the father and

eventually becomes like the father. How can one see similarities of the

Freudian interpretation in the competition between the censor (father) and the

intelligentsia(son)? 

The state, which is the censor, and the writer, which is the intelligentsia, fight over the

power (mother) in Russia. The intelligentsia becomes similar to the state in this

competition. For example, Tolstaya explains in The Perils of Utopia : The Russian

Intelligentsia under Communism and Perestroika that Lev Tolstoy bows down and

merges with the masses, just as the Soviet (state) ideology prescribes. Tolstoy lowers

himself, becomes impoverished and does non-specialized work. He accepts the ideology

of the state. Other intelligentsia also occupy unnoticed, simple professions (Tolstaya

319).

Moreover, Tolstaya argues in The Perils of Utopia that the intelligentsia realizes

that it had admired fascism over the past years (322). She argues that

there is similarity between communism and fascism and that fascism actually existed

during the Soviet Union. On the basis of the argumentation of Tolstaya, one could argue that

the intelligentsia becomes similar and identifies itself with the state through fascism. Thus,

the Freudian complex becomes apparent. However, the argumentation of Tolstaya is quite

weak in this case because she does not give any solid proof of why the intelligentsia would be

in favor of fascism and she similarly does not explain why communism is similar to fascism.

Lastly, there is a competition between the censor and the intelligentsia over the press.

The censor wants to censor the press and the intelligentsia wants freedom of press.

However, the intelligentsia becomes similar to the censor in this competition because at

a certain point, it uses self-censorship. Thus, the intelligentsia actively or not-actively

chooses to adapt the restrictions of the state (censor), and becomes similar to the state.

Tolstaya, Tatyana. “The Perils of Utopia: The Russian Intelligentsia under Communism and Perestroyka.” Development and Change 27 (1996): 315-329. Print.

Calhoun, Craig. Dictionary of Social Sciences. Digital image. Http://www.oxfordreference.com.ezproxy.leidenuniv.nl:2048/view/10.1093/acref/9780195123715.001.0001/acref-9780195123715-e-1190?rskey=sAfM4g&result=1. Oxford University Press, 2002. Web. 22 Feb. 2012.